Apart from the Mycenaean vessels, few other objects produced in the Aegean have been found at Enkomi. A bronze jug from the main burial chamber of Sw. T. 18, dated to LC IIC, is certainly not Cypriot in shape and finds its best parallels in the Aegean.120 Considering the extensive evidence for copper working at Enkomi, however, it is possible that this jug was produced at Enkomi itself. A silver Vapheio-cup in British tomb 92 shows that an Aegean vessel in precious metal was imported already at an early date.121 Two semi-globular cups of the same material, from French tomb 2 and British tomb 66, probably derive from the Aegean as well, even though their wish bone handles are familiar also from Cypriot ceramics.122 A mould for a dagger of a type unknown at Cyprus and possibly of Aegean inspiration may suggest that objects intended for specific overseas markets were manufactured at Enkomi.123 Apart from this mould, no weapons of Aegean type have actually been found at Enkomi in levels earlier than an advanced stage of LC III. A fragment of an ivory head showing a bearded warrior with a so-called boar's tusk helmet may have been imported from the Aegean, just as an ivory pyxis which has parallels at Mycenae and Sparta.124 However, ivory was also produced at Enkomi itself and it may be that these objects were the products of local ivory workshops.125
Objects from a wide range of other areas in the Mediterranean have also been found at Enkomi. Stone and alabaster vases may have been imported from Egypt, even though a local production also existed of such vessels.126 Some faience and glass vessels may have been imported from Egypt as well, but this material was also locally produced. Ivory duck vases and gaming boards probably came from the Syro-Palestinian region.127 Seals were produced locally and came from the Levant, while scarabs came from Egypt.128 Ceramic arm-shaped vessels in Red Lustrous Ware may have been imported from the Hittite area.129 The cosmopolitan character of the material culture at Enkomi is also evident from its metal production, which shows a variety of artistic influences from the Levant, Egypt and the Aegean.130 Nevertheless, the products of the metal industry at Enkomi generally fit into a Cypriot tradition, as does the material record as a whole.131 The imported objects and the apparent artistic influ-
from other human beings. This indicates that varying groups at Enkomi expressed different things in their material funerary record.
120 Gjerstad et al. 1934, 554: no. 120; Catling 1964, 151152; Matthäus 1985, 233-234.
122 Davis 1973, 313-317; Matthäus 1985, 122.
123 Courtois, Lagarce & Lagarce 1986, 64, Plate XVII no. 1.
124 Courtois, Lagarce & Lagarce 1986, 128, Plate XXIV no. 1 (ivory head); Plate XXV no. 10 (pyxis).
125 Evidence for an ivory workshop has been discovered in Q1W in a level dated to LC IIIA, see Dikaios 1969, 99-100. See also Krzyszkowska 1992.
126 Courtois, Lagarce & Lagarce 1986, 122-127; 138-158.
127 Dikaios 1971, 511; Courtois, Lagarce & Lagarce 1986, 134-138. In British tomb 58 an ivory gaming box was found, see Murray, Smith & Walters 1900, 31, Plate 1.
A fragmentary gaming board, likewise from ivory, was found by the French in a pit which contained the remnants of a robbed tomb, see Courtois, Lagarce & Lagarce 1986, 138, Plate XXIV no. 2. Pieces of a similar board were found in a domestic context in room 27 of area Q4W in LC IIC levels (H24), see Dikaios 1969, Plate 128 nos. 65-66.
128 Courtois, Lagarce & Lagarce 1986, 171-197.
129 Courtois, Lagarce & Lagarce 1986, 163-164. More than fifty of such vessels have been found in Boghazkoy, see Bittel 1957, 32-42 figs. 12-16, Plate 28 nos. 5-8. Eriksson (1991) has argued for a Cypriot origin of Red Lustrous Wheel-made Ware, including the arm-shaped vessels.
130 Catling 1964.
131 Courtois, Lagarce & Lagarce 1986, 64-65; Knapp 1986a, 39-40; Muhly 1989, 302.
ence on the material record at Enkomi shows that the city participated in the cosmopolitan, international networks of the eastern Mediterranean in the Late Bronze Age.
In a material environment with such diverse imports and influences, ceramic vessels from the Aegean probably did not automatically acquire a special significance as a result of their imported nature. According to figures provided by Dikaios, during LC IIA-B Mycenaean pottery constituted 9.91 % of the total ceramic assemblage in Q4W132 During the same period, the corresponding figure for Q1W was 4.82 %. During LC IIC 14.5 % of the pottery found in Q4W was LH IIIA1-LH IIIB, while this was the case for 9.8 % in Q1W During LC IIIA, 9 % of all ceramics found in Q4W could be assigned LH IIIA2 or LH IIIB date, while as much as 45 % consisted of LH IIIC-type ceramics. For Q1W the corresponding figures are 11.5 % of LH IIIA2-LH IIIB vases and 48 % of pots in LH IIIC style. These figures indicate that the quantities of Mycenaean pottery at Enkomi increased during the second part of LC II. Nevertheless, before the occurrence of pottery in LH IIIC style, imported Aegean ceramics were only a relatively small, but significant part of the total ceramic record at Enkomi. Apart from the general conclusion that Mycenaean pottery was used widely by the inhabitants of Enkomi, a few observations have been made in this chapter which clarify the use and appreciation of this material in more detail. The earliest Mycenaean vases at Enkomi were restricted to specific, residential activities. From LH IIIA1 onwards the proportion of Mycenaean dinner vessels grew steadily. Initially, these Mycenaean dinner vessels were to some extent reserved for use in residential activities. However, in later phases there were no restrictions in the use of Mycenaean dinner and storage vessels. Apparently the use and appreciation of this class of ceramics at Enkomi evolved in relation to the quantities that were imported into the city.
The spatial distribution of vessels with pictorial decoration seems to differ somewhat from the general pattern. From LC IIA onwards Mycenaean pictorial pottery was not regarded differently in settlement contexts. However, for a specific group of people at Enkomi Mycenaean pictorial kraters did serve a special function in funerary ritual. This difference between settlement and funerary use shows that the appreciation of Mycenaean vessels varied according to the cultural associations assigned to them. The presence of five large, coarse ware stirrup jars (cat. nos. 142, 559-561, 1336) in tombs shows how such transport jars could acquire a symbolic significance beyond their function in a similar way. The relative concentration of Mycenaean cups and kraters in tombs as compared with stirrup jars and piriform jars may be caused by similar processes. In any case, it is clear that specific Mycenaean vessel types at Enkomi were considered suitable to be part of social strategies of distinction.
The fact that at Enkomi Mycenaean pottery, at least some parts of the ceramic repertoire, was socially active and could be included in consumptive strategies may have been a factor involved in the imitation of this type of pottery. Before an advanced stage of LC IIC, however, imitation appears not to have been very common.133 In French tomb 3 an imitation of a three-handled piriform jar has been found, carried out in Base Ring I technique.134 A similar vessel, decorated with a floral motif covering the whole body, has been found in Br. T. 84.135 In addition, a rounded alabastron in Base Ring technique has been found in Br. T. 50, while a similar vessel occurred in British Tomb 88.136 These three examples can all be related to the LH IIIA2 style and show that Mycenaean pottery was imitated as
132 Dikaios 1971, 447, 451, 458. Dikaios' so-called 'Late 134 Schaeffer 1936a, Plate 31 no. 2.
Mycenaean IIIB' vessels, which were probably made in 135 Murray, Smith & Walters 1900, 38 Plate 66 no. 1189.
Cyprus, are included in these figures. 136 Smith 1925, IIca Plate 4 no. 9; Murray, Smith &
133 Cadogan 1991, 169. Walters 1900, 34 Fig. 62: no. 1252.
early as LC IIA,137 the period in which Mycenaean pottery began to arrive at Enkomi in large quantities. Somewhat later, probably from LC IIB onwards, the amphoroid krater was adopted into the local ceramic repertoire in Plain White Wheel-made ware.138 Such vessels have been found in large numbers in the tombs of Enkomi, for example in Sw. T. 11, and in Sw. T. 19.139 In most cases these imitations of Mycenaean pottery were associated with genuine Mycenaean pottery, suggesting that the same groups of people used both the originals and the local products.140
In an advanced stage of LC IIC the local production of Mycenaean style pottery increased sharply with the appearance of Rude or Pastoral style kraters and with the introduction of shallow bowls in the local ceramic repertoire.141 Shallow bowls have been reported in abundance from both settlement and funerary contexts at Enkomi.142 The same can be said for Pastoral style kraters.143 Cypriot-made Mycenaean-style pottery has been found in direct association with original imports in both settlement and funerary contexts at Enkomi.144 Sherratt has argued that the introduction of the Aegean vessel types in a local ceramic class should be understood as a phenomenon related to a gradual development towards a Cypriot wheel-made, painted ceramic class, which occurred in the context of urbanization and centralization.145 The fact that vessels from this local production have been found directly associated with their Aegean prototypes, suggests, firstly, that not only shapes and motives were copied, but also the functional and symbolic meanings attached to specific vessel types. Secondly, the close relationship between imports and local products suggest that, by the end of LC IIC, the imported nature of Mycenaean vessels was of no consequence for the way they were used and appreciated in local cultural practices.
In addition to the ceramic imitations of Mycenaean pottery, two faience stirrup jars have been found at Enkomi and another in glass.146 One faience stirrup jar was found in Br. T. 50, while another was found Fr. T. 5. The glass stirrup jar was also found in Fr. T. 5, which suggests that the owners of these tombs had special access to such vessels. Faience and glass vases were probably not produced at Enkomi, but imported from the Levant or Egypt.147
137 Similar vessels have been found elsewhere in Cyprus, see Cadogan 1991, 169-170. It is unclear whether the examples from Enkomi were produced in the city itself, or imported from elsewhere in the island.
138 Kling 1989, 167.
139 Gjerstad et al. 1934, Plate 82: row 1: nos. 9-10, Plate 83: row 1 nos. 7-9, row 5 nos. 2, 3, 7-8; Plate 91: row 1 nos. 1-2, 4-5.
140 Contra Cadogan (1991, 169), who states that these vases represent "cheaper versions of the more valuable imports for poorer people."
141 Cadogan 1991, 170; Sherratt 1980, 196-197; 1991, 193-195 (with full bibliography). Sherratt (1991, 192 note 11) argues that the Cypriot Pastoral style may have started as early as the Amarna period in Egypt, which would coincide with LH IIIA2 or — possibly — early LH IIIB and with LC IIA.
142 For settlement levels, see Dikaios 1969, 308-314; for a funerary context, see, for example, the side chamber of Sw. T. 18: Gjerstad et al. Plate 90 rows 4-6.
143 For settlement levels, see Dikaios 1969, 308-314; for a funerary context, see, for example, Sw. T. 19, Plate 91: row 3 nos. 3-5.
144 In room 3A in the level IIB building in Q1W two Mycenaean stemmed cups were found together with a shallow bowl of local manufacture and with Base Ring and White Slip wares. In the special descriptions of the stratigraphy of room 5 in Q1W (Dikaios 1969, 310311) and room 142 in Q4W (Dikaios 1969, 309), locally produced Mycenaean style pottery has been reported in association with original imports in LC IIC and LC IIIA levels. In British tomb 45 two pictorial kraters in 'Rude or Pastoral' style have been discovered with two imported types (cat. nos. 108-109), see Murray, Smith & Walters 1900, 45 Fig. 71: nos. 931* and 933.
145 Sherratt 1991, 191-192.
146 Murray, Smith & Walters 1900, 52; Schaeffer 1952, 210-214 Planche supplémentaire.
147 Courtois, Lagarce & Lagarce 1986, 139. See also Pel-tenburg (1985, 256) who does not see any evidence for faience production anywhere in Cyprus.
The final question to be addressed in this chapter concerns the social groups at Enkomi who used the Mycenaean pottery. In its early phase, Enkomi consisted of a number of widely spaced large structures, each surrounded by tombs.148 Such a plan suggests the presence of a number of heterogeneous groups, possibly deriving from different communities, which converged in order to control the production of copper and to engage in international trade.149 The presence of metal working in several parts of the city from an early period onwards, the - more or less contemporaneous - construction of monumental ashlar buildings and built tombs in several parts of the city, as well as the absence of building with centralized administrative functions suggest that the population of the city was never integrated in a single hierarchy, but kept a certain heterogeneity.150 We may assume that this pottery was used by a number of different social groups in the city.
Enkomi was probably the centre of a regional polity, which was organised around the production and exchange of copper.151 Within such a polity mining and agricultural villages as well as inland centers and sanctuaries were systematically linked to the coastal centre through the exchange of luxury and staple goods. Because of the lack of settlement excavations and of systematic surveys in eastern Cyprus, it is not certain which sites may be considered to have participated in the Enkomi system. Nearby Sinda (site no. 54), where a city wall similar to the one at Enkomi was erected early in LC IIC,152 was possibly an inland centre related to the coastal city. From this site twenty Mycenaean vessels in styles antedating LH IIIC have been reported, among which were storage and dinner vessels, while a conical rhyton was also found.153 Such a wide range of vessels compares well to the Mycenaean repertoire found at Enkomi and it shows that a wide variety of Mycenaean vases could occur in a regional center. The site of Ayios Iakovos (site no. 51), located to the north of Enkomi and probably a sanctuary, also produced Mycenaean vessels from settlement levels.154 Mycenaean vessels were also found in settlement contexts in Athienou (site no. 74), which appears to have been a sanctuary site related to nearby mining districts (chapter 11). Smaller quantities of Mycenaean pottery have been reported in funerary contexts in nearby sites such as Milia (site no. 55), Kalopsidha (site no. 57), Ayios Sozomenos (site no. 73) and Nicosia Ayia Pareskevi (site no. 75). Such a wide scatter of sites with Mycenaean pottery in the Mesaoria plain and its bordering hills indicates that this material was incorporated into the exchange systems which linked the coastal centers to secondary inland centres, sanctuaries and mining regions.
The emerging picture shows that Mycenaean pottery was widely used by the commercial élites residing at Enkomi. It is likely, because of the heterogeneity of the social structure in the town, that the social use of this class of ceramic material varied according to different social groups. The differences in the funerary use of Mycenaean kraters which has been discussed above may be testimony of such variations in social function. However, the use of Mycenaean pottery was not limited to the urban élite. By being incorporated in local exchange mechanisms which linked inland sites to the coastal centres, Mycenaean pottery became available to regional and local groups situated far away from the coast.
148 Dikaios 1969, 71; Courtois, Lagarce & Lagarce 1986, 5.
149 Knapp 1993, 20-21; Keswani 1996, 220-221.
150 Keswani 1996, 226.
151 Knapp 1986b; 1996, 19-20; Keswani 1993, 76-79.
152 Furumark 1965, 103.
153 Âstrom 1972b.
154 Gjerstad et al. 1934, 357-358: nos. 19, 30, 31, 44 Plate XLI-1.
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