It has been estimated that as many as one thousand tombs had been discovered at Enkomi, of which the overwhelming majority by clandestine tomb robbers.67 Somewhat more than 180 tombs have been investigated more or less systematically, but the extent to which these have been published varies.68 All burials have been found within the enclosure of the city wall, in the settlement area (fig 2.1). However, not all burials appear to have been directly related to settlement structures. Twenty-four tombs were discovered on the eastern scarp, where other architecture seems unlikely. Other tombs date from before the rectangular street layout and probably were originally situated in open spaces between the buildings.69 Only a limited number of funerary cellars has been discovered which clearly formed a structural part of the building below which they were situated.70
The lack of any data from the numerous pillaged tombs and the incomplete information for many of the published tombs severely limit the possibilities for funerary analyses. In addition, the majority of the tombs have served for collective burial. Many tombs were in use for a very long period and frequently opened for reuse, during which funerary assemblages were disturbed and valuable objects may have been removed.71 The relationship between individual tombs and social groups at Enkomi is difficult to assess. It is uncertain whether the use of a tomb was confined to specific people and, if so, whether these were families or wider social groups. Nevertheless, the tombs may be used as units for analysis and important work in this respect has been done by P. Keswani, who has studied variabilities in tomb architecture and in find assemblages.72
In Table VII in the tables section seventy-nine tombs are listed from which Mycenaean pottery has been reported. This figure is relatively low in comparison with the ca. 180 tombs which have been investigated, which is probably caused by the extent to which the inventories have been published.73 It
Keswani 1989a, 335.
Descriptions, in many cases very short, of the inventories of ninety-six tombs investigated by the British Museum expedition have been published; see Murray Smith & Walters 1900, 51-54; Myres & Ohnefalsch-Richter 1889, 183-186. No description has appeared from British tombs 13, 18, 26 and 42. The inventories of this expedition have been investigated by Keswani (1989a, 468-475; 1989b), who also studied the field notebooks, and by L. Mol (pers. comm.). The inventories of the twenty-two tombs explored by the Swedish mission have been extensively published, see Gjerstad et al. 1934, 468-575. This is also the case for the tombs excavated by Dikaios' team; see Dikaios 1969, 333434. Of the thirty-seven French tombs, eighteen have been published in some detail, the inventories of other tombs are only partly known; see Schaeffer 1952, 105237, Johnstone 1971; Courtois 1981; Lagarce &
69 Several tombs were sealed by street pavement or by walls of houses when the street layout was created, see, for example, Courtois, Lagarce & Lagarce 1986, 29 (Fr. T. 5); Dikaios 1969, 357 (Cy. T. 10).
70 For example Fr. Tombs 1322, 1394 and 1409; see Courtois, Lagarce & Lagarce 1986, 24-26 Fig. 4.
71 Keswani 1989b, 52. French tomb 5 appears to have been in use from LC I into LC III, a period of at least four centuries; see Schaeffer 1952, 220-226.
72 Keswani 1989a, 335-345, 567-602; 1989b.
73 In the publication of Br. T. 19, for example, a brief reference is made to a Mycenaean krater (cat. no. 1450) but no other pottery has been published, see Murray, Smith & Walters 1900, 33. According to Keswani (1989b, 77 Table 1), other Mycenaean vessels derive from this tomb, but these are unknown to me.
is very likely that Mycenaean pottery has been found in more tombs than listed in Table VII. The majority of the seventy-nine tombs at Enkomi with Mycenaean pottery are of the rock-cut chamber type, but such material has also been reported from two tholos tombs (Sw. T. 21 and Fr. T. 1336). Of the two other tholos tombs at Enkomi, Br. T. 71 has not been published, while Fr. T. 1432 was found completely empty.74 Mycenaean pottery has also been reported from two ashlar-built tombs (Br. T. 12, 66). Very little is known about the other ashlar tombs. Only short descriptions of the inventories of British tombs 1 (= Fr. Tomb 1409) and 11 have appeared,75 while French tomb 1394 was found almost empty.76 Twenty shaft graves have been reported from Enkomi, none of which produced Mycenaean vessels. The absence of this type of pottery from shaft graves may partly be caused by the relative paucity of finds from such tombs in general.77 In addition, the majority of such graves at Enkomi date from an advanced stage of LC III. It is clear then that Mycenaean pottery at Enkomi was not restricted to a particular type of tomb. Even though it is difficult to relate the different types of tombs to social groups in the society of Enkomi,78 it seems that the use of Mycenaean pottery in funerary ceremonies was not confined to specific inhabitants, but a widespread phenomenon. The wide spatial distribution of the tombs at Enkomi with Mycenaean pottery may be taken as additional evidence for such a widespread use of this material.
The tomb at Enkomi from which the largest amount of Mycenaean pottery has been reported is French tomb 1336, which has produced ninety-eight vessels. This tomb, a tholos tomb situated in Q5E, has been published in detail.79 The five other tombs which also have produced large quantities of Mycenaean material are fully published.80 From all other tombs far fewer Mycenaean vessels have been reported. Sw. T. 19 and Br. T. 66 each produced twenty-eight Late Helladic vases, but in most cases only a few Mycenaean finds were made.81 This suggests that the quantities of Mycenaean vessels indicated in Table VII primarily reflect the state of publication and tell us very little about possible variation among social groups at Enkomi with respect to including Mycenaean pots in their funerary ritual. What may be noted, however, is that the six tombs with large amounts of Mycenaean pottery are situated in five different city quarters. This is another indication that the inclusion of large amounts of Mycenaean pottery in tombs was not confined to specific groups within the society of Enkomi.
The long use of the Enkomi tombs makes it difficult to differentiate chronologically among them. On the basis of the primary components of their inventories, Keswani has been able to distinguish four chronological groups: MC III-LC I (1), LC IA/B-LC IIA/B (2), LC IA/B-LC IIC/LC III (3) and LC IIC/LC IIIA-LC IIIB (4).82 The second and third groups overlap chronologically, but, ac-
74 Courtois, Lagarce & Lagarce 1986, 49-50; Keswani 1989b, 53-54.
75 The only information available for Br. T. 1 is that a lapis lazuli gem and two golden earrings were found in this tomb, see Murray, Smith & Walters 1900, 41. Of Br. T. 11 we know only that a fragment of a faience zoomorphic rhyton was found in it, see Murray, Smith & Walters 1900, 51.
76 Courtois, Lagarce & Lagarce 1986, 24-26; Keswani 1989b, 54-55.
77 Keswani 1989b, 56, 69.
78 In terms of effort expenditure (Brown 1981, 29) the tho los and ashlar tombs would rate higher than the rock-
cut chamber tombs. However, such a ranking does not seem evident from their inventories, which argues for caution; see, also, Keswani 1989b, 54-55.
80 Sw. T. 18 (78 pots), see Gjerstad et al. 1934, 551-557; Cy. T. 10 (75 pots), see Dikaios 1969, 357-394; Sw. T. 11 (62 pots), see Gjerstad et al. 1934, 515-524; Sw. T. 3 (54 pots), see Gjerstad et al. 1934, 477-485; Fr. T. 110 (43 pots), Courtois 1981, 131-257.
81 Less than five Mycenaean finds have been reported from forty-three tombs.
82 Keswani 1989a, 567-600. The first group is not discussed in Keswani 1989b.
cording to Keswani, tombs in the second group have their primary use before LC IIC. Tombs in the third group were either used for a very long period from LC I onwards or had their primary use in LC IIC. Only a limited number of tombs can be assigned definitively to the second and third groups.83 None of the tombs which have produced Mycenaean pottery can be assigned to the first group, which is logical in view of their early date.
Eight tombs listed in Table VII can be assigned to the second chronological group: British tombs 19 and 67, Swedish tombs 2 and 17, French tombs 2, 11 and 110 and Cypriot tomb 19. None of these are among the tombs which have produced large quantities of Mycenaean pottery; French tomb 2 provided most Mycenaean finds: seventeen vessels. This may not be surprising in view of the state of publication of the British and French tombs.84 The Swedish and Cypriot tombs are fully published, however, and the absence of large amounts of Mycenaean pottery in the tombs from this chronological group suggests that the quantities of this material included in funerary rituals were smaller in the
83 Keswani (1989b, 77-78) assigns thirteen tombs to signed to either group.
group 2 and sixteen to group 3. The remaining tombs 84 Moreover, we should realise that most of these tombs with a LC I-LC II date apparently could not be as- were pillaged before they were excavated.
period before LC IIC than in that period itself. Four of the six tombs with large quantities of Mycenaean pottery can definitively be assigned to Keswani's third group.85 Only one tomb - Br. T. 58, from which a LH IIIA2 piriform jar (cat. no. 231) has been reported - can be assigned to Keswani's fourth chronological group.
Table VIII in the tables section provides an overview of the frequency of Mycenaean vessel types in the tombs of Enkomi. These figures show that Mycenaean dinner vessels are only slightly more abundant in the tombs than storage vessels. This is not in agreement with the general pattern at Enkomi, where the quantitative difference between these two classes is far greater. A high frequency of Mycenaean dinner vessels cannot be observed in all funerary cellars. In fact, of all the tombs from which more than ten Mycenaean finds have been reported, a majority of fifteen possessed more storage than dinner vessels.86 A few tombs however, such as Sw. T. 18 and 3, as well as Cypriot tomb 10, have produced a great many cups, bowls and kraters to which the predominance of Mycenaean dinner vessels in tombs can largely be attributed. In general, it seems that Mycenaean dinner vessels and storage pots were considered equally suitable to be included in funerary inventories.
Cups, in particular of the one-handled, semi-globular variety (FS 219-220), are the most frequent Mycenaean vessel type in the Enkomi tombs.87 Just as abundant are stirrup jars, of which a similar quantity has been found in the funerary cellars. Mycenaean piriform jars and kraters also are frequent in the tombs. Apart from the large quantities of these four vessel types in funerary contexts, they also appear to have been widely available: the majority of tombs which have produced more than ten Mycenaean pots include these types. However, stirrup jars and piriform jars occur in more tombs than cups and kraters.88 This suggests that the use of kraters and cups in funerary rituals was less widespread than that of stirrup jars and piriform jars. The distribution of Mycenaean bowls in funerary contexts likewise appears to have been somewhat restricted, but this is not the case for stemmed cups and bowls, jugs, alabastra and flasks. The relative concentration in the distribution of cups, bowls and kraters in the tombs at Enkomi - albeit low - indicates that not all inhabitants of Enkomi included these vessels, which can directly be associated with dining, in funerary ceremonies.
Nine tombs at Enkomi have produced Mycenaean ritual vessels and figurines. It is of interest that these items, which were scarce in Enkomi in general, have been found widely distributed: British tomb 53 produced a Mycenaean bovine figurine (cat. no. 2001) in association with a conical rhyton (cat. no. 1); all the other specimens from tombs are singletons. In some cases these tombs contained many other Mycenaean finds, such as Br. T. 88, Br. 67, Br. T. 12, Cy. T. 10, Cy. T. 110, but this may not always have been the case.89 Mycenaean rhyta, whether of conical or other shape, were scarce at Enkomi and such objects probably belonged to the paraphernalia of cult and other ceremonies.90 The fact that these objects have not been found concentrated in a few tombs may suggest that funerary use
85 Swedish tombs 3, 11 and 18; Cypriot tomb 10.
86 These tombs are Br. T. 43, 45, 67, 68, 78, 83, 88, 91; Fr. T. 2, 5, 11, 110, 1907; Sw. T. 11, 13. Eleven tombs yielded a majority of dinner vessels: Br. T. 12, 48, 66, 69, Cy. T. 10, Fr. T. 12, 1336, Sw. T. 18, 19, 3, 6.
87 A total of 138 semi-globular, shallow cups have been found. In addition, conical cups (FS 230-232) cups with horizontal handles (FS 242-244) and handleless cups (FS 207-210) occur.
Mycenaean vessel type among funerary contexts: they have been reported from forty-eight tombs, while stirrup jars occurred in fort-six tombs. In contrast, cups and kraters have been discovered in thirty-eight and thirty-nine tombs respectively.
89 From Br. T. 70, Br. T. 93 and Br. T. 53 less than ten Mycenaean finds have been reported. None of these tombs, however, has been fully published.
90 Yon 1986; Zaccagnini 1987, 58.
of these vases was not restricted to a few persons, but their number is actually too small to draw any conclusions.
The long use of the Enkomi tombs, their pillaging and the sometimes poor state of publication make it difficult to analyse them in terms of the wealth of their inventories. Nevertheless, it is clear that differences in social status were expressed in the tombs through the inclusion of material wealth and special objects in their inventories, at least from LC IB-LC IIA onwards.91 Rich tombs possessed a range of elaborate gold jewelry, metal vases, objects of a high iconographic content, such as signet rings and seals, and objects such as weights that refer to trade in metals. Mycenaean pottery could be part of such wealthy funerary inventories, as is testified, for example, by British tomb 67 in Q1E/Q2E, which contained eleven Mycenaean vases in addition to a large quantity of gold jewellery, among which were two signet rings, stone beads and weights, as well as imported alabaster vases.92 Another example is Swedish tomb 17, which also yielded substantial quantities of gold jewellery, ivory and a stone cylinder seal and seven Mycenaean pots.93 However, Mycenaean vessels have also been discovered in substantial quantities in tombs with less evidence of material wealth, such as French tomb 1907, which did not produce any golden objects.94 Another example is Swedish tomb 13, which produced only one golden earring, along with three objects of faience.95 The occurrence of Mycenaean pottery in tombs with varying degrees of material and symbolical wealth indicates that such vessels were considered suitable to be included in the funerary rituals of inhabitants belonging to different social groups at Enkomi. As a general class of material these vessels cannot be considered indicative of high, or indeed any, status.
The above statement should be differentiated with regard to Mycenaean vessel types. According to Keswani, the distribution of Mycenaean kraters is not equal, with some tombs possessing none or only a few, while others have produced notable quantities of such vessels.96 According to her, this may be related to the iconography of the pictorial scenes with chariots or bulls, which relate well to an aristocratic lifestyle.97 Concentrations of Mycenaean kraters are notable in Swedish Tomb 3, which has produced twenty-two such vessels;98 British tomb 12 yielded thirteen,99 and the side chamber of Sw. T. 18 had eleven kraters.100 In each of these tombs some of the kraters possessed pictorial decoration. Also, in the cases of Swedish tombs 3 and 18 substantial amounts of gold jewelry and other valuable objects have been found,101 indicating that such vessels were indeed associated with material wealth. At the same time, it should be noted that only limited amounts of Mycenaean kraters have been reported from some very wealthy tombs such as British tombs 19 and 93.102 Moreover, all the kraters from Swedish tomb 18 came from the side chamber, while the main chamber, which was considerably more wealthy, did not produce any such vessels.103 A few tombs with an otherwise modest
91 Keswani 1989b, 68-70.
92 Murray, Smith & Walters 1900, 52.
93 Gjerstad et al. 1934, 543-546: cat. nos. 499-505.
94 Lagarce & Lagarce 1985, 139-141: cat. nos. 915-929.
95 Gjerstad et al. 1934, 530-535.
96 Keswani 1989b, 64-65.
97 Keswani 1989a, 562-565.
101 Gjerstad et al. 1934, 486-487, 558-559.
102 British tomb 19 is considered by Keswani (1989b, 77)
to be the wealthiest of her second chronological group; in the third chronological group this position is held by British tomb 93. From British tomb 19 only one Mycenaean krater has been reported (cat. no. 1450), while from British tomb 93 two such vessels (cat. nos. 6, 276) have been published.
103 Gjerstad et al. 1934, 551-554. A group of nineteen Mycenaean vessels, among them cups, stirrup jars, bowls and jugs, were found in the main chamber, in association with golden jewellery, bronze weapons and bronze and faience bowls.
inventory, such as British tomb 83, produced as many as five Mycenaean kraters.104 A similar situation applies to French tomb 2, which also produced five kraters, of which two with pictorial decoration.105 We should also take into account the widespread distribution of small numbers of Mycenaean kraters in general. Apparently, some people within the society of Enkomi chose to distinguish themselves by including a substantial quantity of Mycenaean kraters into their funerary ritual. The tombs in which this is the case are not all very wealthy and it cannot automatically be assumed that they belong to the upper social strata at Enkomi. 106
It is difficult to determine whether the restricted distribution of Mycenaean kraters in the Enkomi tombs is related to their decoration. The majority of such vessels from tombs possess pictorial decoration, mostly consisting of chariot scenes.107 However, kraters with non-pictorial decoration are also present in the tombs. Every tomb which has produced more than three Mycenaean kraters included non-pictorial specimens. Moreover, several tombs contained only non-pictorial Mycenaean kraters.108 The distribution of pictorial kraters, therefore, does not seem to differ from their non-pictorial counterparts. This suggests that the unequal distribution of Mycenaean kraters, generally, is not related to the decoration of these vessels.
When we consider the frequency in tombs of Mycenaean vessels of all types with pictorial decoration, we see that many tombs have yielded a few of such vessels.109 Only six tombs produced more than three pictorial vessels: Sw. T. 3 (sixteen vases), Br. T. 12 (thirteen vases), British tomb 54 (four vases) Br. T. 48 (five vases), Sw. T. 18 (ten vases) and Sw. T. 7 (four vases). Swedish tombs 3 and 18 each produced very large numbers of Mycenaean finds and are among the tombs with a rich and varied funerary inventory in general.110 Obviously Mycenaean pictorial pottery was considered suitable to be included in such a funerary repertoire. Br. T. 12, a built ashlar tomb, did not produce a particularly varied inventory of finds: apart from pottery, one golden ring, a gold bead and an ivory box were reported.111 However, this tomb has produced a relatively large amount of Mycenaean pictorial vases, which suggests that they possessed some special meaning in the funerary rituals connected to this tomb. The same is true to a lesser extent for Br. T. 54, 48 and Sw. T. 7, none of which can be included among the very wealthy tombs.112 Each of these four tombs contained several pictorial Mycenaean
104 Cat. nos. 5, 146, 149, 152, 154. These vessels were found in association with a faience bowl, an alabaster pyxis lid and with Cypriot and Mycenaean pottery, see Murray, Smith & Walters 1900, 47-48, 83.
105 Cat. nos. 645, 659, 660-662. These vessels were found in association with golden jewellery, silver tableware, faience cups and bowls, glass beads and alabaster vases, see Schaeffer 1952, 111-135.
106 It has been asserted by Louise Steel (1998) that Mycenaean dinner vessels and in particular kraters were reserved for ruling élite groups in Kalavasos-Ayios Dhimitrios (site no. 114). This pattern contrast with the funerary evidence at Enkomi that has been investigated here.
107 Of nine Mycenaean kraters found in a funerary con text the decoration is not known to me; two are deco rated with bands and lines only, while twenty seven possess patterned decoration. Ninety-two kraters are pictorially decorated, of which thirty-six with a chariot scene. Other scenes include bulls and a variety of other animals. Human beings engaged in activities other than chariot riding are also depicted; in one case men are shown boxing (cat. no. 6). One amphoroid krater (cat. no. 369) shows a ship scene.
108 See Br. T. 69 (cat. no. 78), Cy. T. 1 (cat. no. 1330), Fr. T. 1336 (cat. no. 803), Br. T. 79 (cat. no. 91), Br. T. 78 (cat. no. 255). Each of these tombs produced only one krater.
109 In all, thirty-seven tombs have produced Mycenaean pictorial vessels. Apart from kraters, jugs, rhyta a stemmed bowl, stirrup jar and piriform jar were picto-rially decorated.
110 Keswani 1989b, 78 Table 2.
111 Murray, Smith & Walters 1900, 38.
112 These four tombs are absent in Keswani's (1989b, 77-8) tables.
kraters.113 Obviously, for specific groups of inhabitants at Enkomi Mycenaean pictorial kraters possessed a special significance in funerary rituals.
The evidence presented above suggests that Mycenaean kraters were not appreciated in the same way by all the inhabitants of Enkomi, at least as far as their funerary use was concerned. This may also be the case for Mycenaean ritual vessels, which have been found in seven tombs (see Table VIII). A Mycenaean composite vessel (cat. no. 10), consisting of two small three-handled piriform jars attached to one another in the belly zone and both decorated with N-patterns and scale patterns, was found in British tomb 88. From this tomb, the location of which is unknown, a zoomorphic faience rhyton, as well as three Cypriot terra-cotta figurines and a glass pomegranate vase have been report-ed.114 Apparently the owners of this tomb distinguished themselves with items which can be related to cult practices.115 Similar evidence may be seen in the case of Br. T. 67, which produced a Mycenaean bull's head rhyton (cat. no. 49) in association with two terra-cotta figurines of local manufacture (Fig. 10.8).116 Br. T. 69 produced a Mycenaean conical rhyton (cat. no. 75), also associated with local figurines,117 as were the Mycenaean conical rhyton and figurine from Br. T. 53.118 The association of these Mycenaean ritual vessels with objects of possible ritual significance of local manufacture or imported from elsewhere shows that the Aegean items were used in local ritual practices. Moreover, it appears that some groups at Enkomi distinguished themselves through the inclusion of religious paraphernalia in their funerary inventories.119
113 These four tombs did not contain kraters with patterned decoration. The decoration of one ring-based krater (cat. no. 186) from tomb 12, as well as of an am-phoroid krater (cat. no. 221) from Br. T. 48 and a ring-based krater (cat. no. 407) is not known to me.
114 Murray, Smith & Walters 1900, 33-34.
115 For the ritual associations of rhyta, see Courtois,
Lagarce & Lagarce 1986, 152-156, Yon 1986. For the ritual associations attached to Cypriot figurines, see
Courtois, Lagarce & Lagarce 1986, 77.
116 Murray, Smith & Walters 1900, 37.
117 Murray, Smith & Walters 1900, 39-40.
118 Murray, Smith & Walters 1900, 44. A Base Ring bull vase was found with the Mycenaean rhyton and figurine.
119 Keswani (1989b) argues that the complex symbolism visible in French tomb 2 relates the dead buried there to the cosmic order rather than distinguishing them
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